With many pagan
rites and festivals celebrating matriarchal spiritualities and
the feminine, Wicca’s emphasis on the sacredness of the individual
and the earth is a far cry from the inundation of wicked Witches
appearing in popular culture and the Middle Ages.
To an extent a
feminist reaction to medieval portrayals of Witches, Wicca revives
ancient magickal, shamanistic and tribal wisdoms from rituals
around the globe. Intent on correcting former images of women
as either saint or sinner,1 Wicca entails a liberation
and legitimation of feminine independence through celebrating
menstrual, lunar, and life cycles of maiden, mother, and crone.
Magick, the art of changing consciousness at will, gives women
a sense of power over their own lives.2
Striking similarities
discovered by anthropologists between historical Witch practices
in Europe, Africa, the Americas, and the Pacific,3
illustrate a pervasive magickal worldview in which women were
celebrated as midwives, healers, conjurers, seers, diviners
and powerful sorcerers. Transmuted and modified under Christian
influence,4 the concept of maleficium and heresy
became increasingly attached to older, pagan elements of Witchcraft,
and it adopted a unique stigma as an ecclesiastical crime.5
Hyped depictions of the medieval Witch were “not only female,
but evil, old, and ugly,”6 a stereotype in contrast
with women’s liberty in Pagandom.7 Societal beliefs
in women’s inherent wickedness, them being “more foolish, and
more apt to mistake... infidelity, ambition and lust,”8
ascribed all their idiosyncrasies to Witchcraft9
rendering it a sin almost confined to women.10 Phyllis
Curott claims this archetype continues to hold tremendous power
as a repository for modern culture’s fear of women, sexuality,
and individual freedom.11
Brian Levack further
asserts that underlying the depiction of the medieval Witch
was a deep male fear of the sexually experienced, sexually independent
woman.12 Noting the use of the feminine rather than
masculine form of Malleus Maleficarum, Carolyn Merchant argues
the control and maintenance of women’s place within the social
order was one of the many complex and varied reasons for the
Witch trials.13
Modern interest
in occult paths demonstrates not only a feminist reaction against
derogatory portrayals of women, but also a return to symbolism
from cynicism, a modern environmental reaction to detachment
from natural cycles and a move towards religions involving individual
responsibility, flexibility, and participation. This discourse
of Western esoteric thought develops a frame of reference for
extra-sensory experiences and earthly rhythms. Wicca revives
and appropriates alchemists, Rosicrucians, Freemasonry, Native
Americans, Taoists, Aborigines, Hindus, Sumerians, Egyptians,
African Yoruban tribes, and much New Age discourse,14
aiming to incorporate contemporary concerns with ancient wisdoms.
The Wheel of Year
is divided into 13 Esbats (full moons) and 8 Sabbats celebrating
four agricultural seasons (Samhain, Imbolc/Candlemas, Beltane,
and Lammas/Lughnasadh) and four cosmic events (equinoxes and
solstices- Yule, Ostara, Litha, Mabon). These Sabbats are prominent
in many popular festivals. Easter, celebrated on the first Sunday
after the first full moon after the Spring Equinox, is based
on the pagan fertility rite of Germanic earth goddess Oestara
(who is symbolised by eggs, rabbits and flowers). Samhain, New
Years Eve on the Wiccan calendar, is a Sabbat honouring the
dead where the veil between the worlds is at its thinnest. Celebrated
on October 31 in the Northern Hemisphere and May 1 in the Southern,
it is popularly known as Halloween.
The phenomenon
of Witchcraft has been morphed and distorted throughout history
and must be understood as a phenomenon rather than static concept.15
Indeed the term Wicca encompasses a broad range of practices,
including Gardnerian, Alexandrian, and Dianic Witchcraft. On
a general level, Wicca is animistic and pantheistic, and sees
magic is within the individual.16 Practice can be
solitary or within a coven, and it’s most recognised symbol,
the pentagram, represents the five senses. By honouring connections
to female deities, historical figures, and natural cycles, Wicca
acts to connect women in a way that is multifaceted and intergenerational.
In her novel, Book
of Shadows, (named after the journal Witches use to record
spells, tarot readings, invocations, rituals or astral experiences),
Phyllis Curott describes how her synchronistic psychic experiences
were not “sensible” and how “the world I lived in had no explanation
for them.”17 Many witches, who have had experiences
that cannot be explained by scientific, rational means, note
that Wicca has provided them with a spiritual path that addressed
their own personal needs or ideology,18 allowing
them to become no longer mere observers but become fully involved
participants,19 a certain lacuna in mainstream religions.20
Yet despite the
resurgence Lynne Hume accounts that many witches still feel
threatened about their identity, persecuted, or ridiculed for
their beliefs, emphasising political and religious power tensions
in a country that advocates freedom of religion.21
Stereotypes and representations of Witchcraft reiterated in
popular culture in fairy tales, television shows, and films
such as Bewitched, Charmed, The Craft,
Hansel and Gretel or The Wizard of Oz, continue
to inform popular thinking about modern day pagan and Wiccan
practice. Unlike some popular belief, Wicca doesn’t involve
Christian concepts of the devil, original sin, forgiveness,
redemption, hell, eternal punishment, sin, guilt, or divine
retribution. The three laws of Wicca are juxtaposed with the
medieval portrayal of the maleficent Witch; do what you will
as long as it harms none, do not interfere with another’s free
will, and that which you send returns to you threefold.22
While medieval Witchcraft was centred in a context of monotheism,
misogynism, and prevailing patriarchal church structures and
ideology,23 Wicca insists on complimentary male and
female roles and leadership.24
Overwhelmingly
a phenomenon ascribed to women, Witchcraft during the middle
ages became a composite phenomenon drawing from folklore, sorcery,
demonology, heresy, and Christian theology25. During
this process of acculturation, pagan magic party survived when
cultural elements and meanings were transmitted, accumulated,
syncretised, reinterpreted, and transformed.26 Russell
states, “As paganism’s influence on witchcraft was reduced,
that of heresy increased.”27
The association
with women was compounded by motifs repeated in numerous societies
such as flying, broomsticks, familiars (often cats or snakes),
use of ointments, nocturnal gatherings, astral travel, cannibalism,
the evil eye, shape shifting, causing illness or death, and
sucking of blood.28 Witches became scapegoats
as the source of any misfortune, disaster, or idiosyncrasy.
Levack claims the further images included voodooism, bringing
down hail on crops by burning enchanted substances, starting
fires with hexed swords, and causing impotence by cord magic.
A great repository for a patriarchal fear of women, maleficia
such as hearing thoughts29 or eating souls,30
when seen as an organised cult, began to be seen as a form of
perverted religion.”31
The Witches’ Sabbat,
a celebration of natural cycles or fertility goddesses, can
be traced back to sabbatarius, to do with feasting, and
Esbat or full moon can be traced to s’esbattre,
to frolic.32 During the Middle Ages these gatherings
became seen as “a series of blasphemous, obscene, and heinous
rites” where children were allegedly sacrificed to the devil
and feasted upon, amidst Witches dancing naked and engaging
in sexual intercourse.33 Levack argues that this
emphasis placed on the erotic nature of the Sabbath drew from
nightmares and fantasies about anti-human and amoral activities34
and the negative aspect of the church towards sex.35
The medieval Witch
was inherently diabolic. As Lambert comments, “It takes two
to create a heresy: the heretic, with his dissident beliefs
and practices: and the church, to condemn his views and to define
what is orthodox doctrine.”36 Scholastic ontology
gave Witches a logically consistent place within the Christian
schema,37 and the medieval Witch became the embodiment
of all that was anathema to moral society: hyped depictions
included forming a pact with the devil and trampling on the
Christian cross.38
Epitomised perhaps
most famously by the trials of Alice Kilkenny, Beatrice of Montaillou,
Marguerite Porete, Na Prous Boneta, and Guglielma of Milan,
the primary subjects of the Witch hysteria were women. The pagan
notion of the Witch as healer remained prevalent during the
Middle Ages; Beatrice of Montaillou was found to possess two
babies’ umbilical cords, rags soaked with the first menstrual
blood of her daughter to feed to her husband to secure his love,
frankincense to cure an infirmity of the head, a mirror, a knife,
pieces of linen, grain of the herb ive to prevent sickness.39
The foundations
of medieval Witchcraft include chthonic religion, folk traditions,
and low magic from the ancient Near East, Judaism, the Greco-Romans,
the Celts and the Teutons.40 The New Testament itself
contains magical traces such as the exorcism of evil spirits
and is influenced by Gnosticism.41 The term ‘Witch’
is derived from the Indo-European root weik relating
to magic and religion, and the verb wiccian, to bewitch
or work sorcery.42 In the fourth and fifth centuries
paganism was still very much alive in the Mediterranean world
and dominant in the north.43 Many Mediterranean fertility
rites exhibit characteristics of the later Witch cult, with
Dionysian festivals, Feast of Fools and dies Iovis featuring
dancing, eroticism, banquets, and animal disguises.44
Familiars of the Middle Ages were originally dwarves (malignant
spirits of darkness or ghosts), elves (spirits of light and
goodness), kobolds (who brought good luck to houses), trolls,
fairies, or Green Men.45 As Wakefield and Evans claim,
“Magic and sorcery… are not confined to one age… their expression
is conditioned by the times…Belief in the interference of the
spirit world in human affairs could not easily be eradicated.”46
There has been
much speculation over whether medieval women actually believed
they were Witches or whether they were deluded into the thought
through torture and hysteria. Considering the anti-Witchcraft
bias of the available sources and the fact that most of the
accused were illiterate,47 this question remains
problematic. The reliability of trial records remains extremely
dubious especially considering the widespread use of torturous
devices, selectivity of evidence, and motivation of the inquisitors.
Levack notes that devil worship usually did not arise in witchcraft
trials until torture was applied and thus “it is valid to claim
that torture in a certain sense ‘created’ witchcraft.”48
Russell claims however, “There is no doubt that witchcraft was
a real phenomenon. It was real in the sense that large numbers
of people- indeed at some points almost everyone- believed in
it.”49 In this sense it can be said that people responded
in panic that found vent in terror of witchcraft.50
The concept of madness is only of limited use in explaining
the medieval witch phenomenon, and one must be weary of imposing
modern philosophical acceptances onto views common in medieval
society.51
During the eighteenth
century rationalism rejected the objective existence of sorcery
and Witchcraft and the trials were attributed to superstition
and fraud.52 From the mid nineteenth century emerged
the romantic occult and esoteric approach supporting the objective
reality of witchcraft to accommodate it in a long tradition
of ancient wisdom.53 Some argue that images of the
flying Witch originated from a practice of Witches inducing
sensations of flight by rubbing herself with a hallucinogenic
ointment or salve containing aconite, henbane and nightshade,
to produce sensory semi paralysis, induce delirium, excitement,
or unconsciousness.54 Similarly the broomstick motif
was prevalent in pagan rituals relating to marriage and birth,
to sweep negative spirits from doorways and to jump over in
a hand-fasting ceremony representing sexual union.55
Witchcraft may
also be seen as a form of religious dissent, a rebellion or
escape from society, a means of providing fantasies of power
for the dispossessed, or even as a projection of the libido
upon Witches by their persecutors. Carol Merchant proposes the
immediacy of individual relationships with spirits in the face
of ecclesiastical structure and control may support the popularity
of witchcraft among oppressed women; “No hierarchies stood between
the witch and her will.”56
To a significant
extent Wicca has been successful in redefining, renaming and
redressing residual stereotypes left lingering following the
Middle Ages. Many modern Witches now refrain from using the
term ‘White Witch’ as it implies an inherent evil in Witches.57
The reinvention of esoteric movements allows new perspectives
on ancient religions to be reworked, integrated, and manipulated
into new systems, ideas and patterns. Wicca is then “old in
that it selects elements from ancient magical and shamanistic
practices; new in that it incorporates these elements with new
ideas which are pertinent in today’s world.”58 As
one of the fastest growing spiritual paths in the Western world,
Wicca’s feminine centric and energy reconnects women across
generations, cultures and societies. Celebrating life cycles
of woman as maiden, mother and crone, Fiona Horne claims, “The
Craft today is really built on the sense of our culture having
lost, buried or corrupted the old traditions and witches are
attempting to rediscover them and make them relevant.”59
Works Cited
Allen, Paula Gunn,
The Sacred Hoop, Recovering the Feminine in American Indian
Traditions, Beacon Press, Boston, 1986
Barry, Hester and
Roberts (ed.s), Witchcraft in Early Modern Europe, Studies
in Culture and Belief, Cambridge University Press,
Great Britain, 1998
Berger, Peter,
The Social Reality of Religion, Penguin Books, Victoria,
1973
Chadwick, Nora
K, Celtic Britain; Ancient Peoples and Places, Thames
and Hudson, London, 1963
Cohn, Norman,
Europe’s Inner Demons, New American Library, New York, 1977
Curott, Phyllis,
Book of Shadows: A modern woman’s journey into the wisdom
of witchcraft and the magic of the goddess, Bantam books,
Sydney, 1999
Davidson, L.S and
Ward, J.O., (ed.s & tranls.) The confession of Beatrice
de Planissoles of Montaillou
Darcy, Brian JP,
Witches at Osyth, Barbara Rosen (ed), Witchcraft
in England 1558-1618, University of Massachusetts Press,
Amherst, 1991
Frazer, Sir James
George, A study in Magic and religion; The Illustrated Golden
Bough, Simon & Schuster, USA, 1996
Gage, Matilda Joslyn,
Woman, Church and State, in History of Women’s suffrage,
vol. 1 (1848-1861) source Book Press, 2nd ed. 1889
Hampson, Daphne,
Theology and Feminism, Blackwell Publishers, Norwich, 1993
Horne, Fiona
,Witch: A Personal Journey, Random House Publishing, Sydney,
1998
Horne, Fiona,
Witch: A Magickal year, Random House Publishing, Sydney,
1999
Hume, Lynne,
Compendium Beneficiorum; Beliefs and Practices of Modern Witchcraft
in Australia, Charles Strong Memorial Trust, Adelaide
Jordan, Montgomery
and Thomassen (ed.s), The World of Ancient Magic, Bergen,
1999
Jordan, Michael,
Witches: An Encyclopaedia of Paganism and Magic, Kyle
Cathie Ltd, London, 2000
Kieckhefer, Richard,
European Witch Trials; Their Foundations in Popular and Learned
Culture, 1300-1500, University of California Press, Berkley
and Los Angeles, 1976
Kors, Alan C. &
Peters, Edward, Witchcraft in Europe 1100-1700: A Documentary
History, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia,
1972
Lambert, Malcolm,
Medieval Heresy, Popular Movements from the Gregorian Reform
to the Reformation, 2nd edition, Blackwell Publishers,
Oxford UK & Cambridge USA, 1992
Levack, Brian P
The Witch Hunt in Early modern Europe, Longman, London
& NY, 1995
Macfarlane, Alan,
Witchcraft in Tudor and Stuart England; A regional
and comparative study, Waveland Press, Inc., Prospect Heights,
Illinois, 1970
Merchant, Carolyn,
The Death of Nature: Women, Ecology, and the Scientific Revolution,
Harper & Row, New York, 1980
Morgan, Robbin,
Sisterhood is Powerful, An Anthology of Writings from the
Women’s Liberation Movement, Random House, New York, 1970
Neary, Anne, “The
Origins and Character of the Kilkenny Witchcraft Case of 1324”,
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, vol. 83, section
c no. 13, 1983
Rae, Eleanor,
Women, the Earth, and the Divine, Orbis Books, New York,
1994
Rosen, Barbara
(ed), Witchcraft in England 1558-1618, University of
Massachusetts Press, Amherst, 1991
Russell, Jeffery,
“Witchcraft and the Demonisation of Heresy”, Mediaevalia
2 1976
Russell, J.B.,
Witchcraft in the Middle Ages, Cornell University Press,
New York, 1972
Stephens, Walter,
Demon Lovers: Witchcraft, Sex, and the Crisis of Belief,
University of Chicago Press, Chicago and London, 2002
Summers, Montague,
The History of Witchcraft and Demonology, Routledge & Kegan
Paul Ltd, London and Boston, 1973
Szasz, Thomas,
Manufacture of Madness; A comparative Study of the Inquisition
and the Mental Health Movement, Routledge & Kegan Paul,
London, 1971
Thomas, Keith,
Religion and the Decline of Magic, Studies in Popular Beliefs
in 16th and 17th century England, Redwood
Press Limited, Great Britain, 1971
Wakefield &
Evans, Heresies of the High Middle Ages, Columbia University
Press, New York and London, 1969
Watson C. W.
and Ellen, Roy, Understanding Witchcraft and Sorcery in Southeast
Asia, University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu, 1993
Wilson. B, Magic
and the Millennium, Heinemann, London, 1973